Would India Expect Halcyon Days Ahead From Pakistan’s PM In-Waiting Imran Khan?

Pakistan PM-in-waiting Imran Khan and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi/Image: Twitter

On 25 July 2018, Pakistan’s 11th General Election has taken place. The PTI (led by PM-in-waiting Imran Khan) had become the largest party, although it has not reached to the magic number of 137 seats. In this election, about 10.6 crore people had participated as voters for the 276 seats (National Assembly of Pakistan); and 297, 130, 99, 51 seats for provincial assemblies of Punjab, Sindh, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Baluchistan respectively. In general elections of Pakistan, generally, India used to be painted as a major threat and vice versa. Soon after the declaration of the election result,  the PM-in-waiting Imran Khan, in his half an hour televised speech, had focused on Pakistan’s domestic and foreign policies, how he would likely to see his country and how he is going get engaged the neighbouring countries including India. The way he wanted to engage India conditionally keeping Kashmir issue as the focal point, it is anticipated that the Indo-Pak relations would not see or experience halcyon days ahead.

India and Pakistan relations had been remained tense in general and it has become more critical particularly under the current regimes on both sides. The CBMs had been put in limbo on alleged allegations and accusations of aiding and abetting terrorism. The bilateral relations had become bad to worse given some terrorist attacks in India like Mumbai (November 26, 2008); New Delhi (‎ December 13, 2001); Gurdaspur (27 July 2015); and Pathankot Air Force Station (2 January 2016) etc. In the series, the Uri attack was considered as to be one of the most,  “deadliest attack on security forces in Kashmir in two decades.

The Uri Attack (18 September 2016) had left very serious implications for bilateral and regional dynamics. At the bilateral level, the attack was condemned by the Indian leadership.  Home Minister Rajnath Singh had accused Pakistan  and called it as a “terrorist state” in the backdrop of “continued and direct support to terrorism and terrorist groups.” India has started its diplomacy to isolate Pakistan in the comity of nations. The same opinion was echoed by the opposition party (Indian National Congress). It is said that there was no more scope for constructive dialogues with Pakistan. Consequently, the official line of talk and terror would/could not go together was further concertized.

 

The terrorism has also been playing havoc with the regional security and stability. The Uri Attack had left drastic impacts over the regional political engagements. This argument was built in the backdrop of India’s decision not to be part of coming to19th SAARC Summit to be held in November 2016 (Islamabad, Pakistan). The India Ministry of External Affairs had issued a statement, “… one country has created an environment that is not conducive to the successful holding of the 19thSAARC Summit in Islamabad. In the prevailing circumstances, the Government of India is unable to participate in the proposed Summit in Islamabad.” Whereas on the other hand, NDTV reported (September 28, 2016) that  FO of Pakistan has called the Indian withdrawal as “unfortunate” and issued a statement accusing India of violating the international laws by espionage and intervention inside Pakistan. Afghanistan, Bangladesh, and Bhutan had also followed the suit and withdrew from the SAARC Summit.

Both countries have been trying to counter and malign each other in the international forums by raising the issue of infiltration, militancy, and terrorism. India has asked the UNHRC to urge Pakistan to stop cross-border infiltration and check the non-state actors like Hafeez Saeed (Chief of Lashkar-e-Taiba) and Syed Salahuddin (Chief of Hizbul Mujahideen), who are moving freely in the country. It substantiates the argument that  Pakistan has been extending active support for such groups.

 

Pakistan Elections 2018: National Security Challenges

The Pakistan Election 2018 had taken place on 25 July. The PTI has emerged as the largest party by winning 115 seats and going to make the next government. Keeping in mind the major challenges haunting by Pakistanis like strengthening the economy of the country was made a major electoral issue by all the three major parties – PML(N), PTI and PPP. The manifestoes of the all the three parties had vowed to increase the annual GDP rate; develop the socio-economic zones; creating a million jobs; building million low-cost housing units; provision of accessible of education and health facilities, the resolution of unemployment etc. Additionally, the issues like water, corruption, CPEC, and of course national security have also been figured prominently.

In the backdrop of these non-traditional security challenges, what is/are the major concern/s of Pakistan’s national security? Previously, Pakistan military doctrines have been holding India as one of the major security concerns. However, later on, the new doctrines (2013), did some course of correction and convinced that it is not India, instead, it is the homegrown militancy is the major national security concern. During the election campaign,  the major political parties (PML-N, PTI, PPP), had tried to convince the people that they are living in the safe country and would keep on “fighting terrorism and militancy”  and leave no stone unturned to protect the international borders against the hostile forces.

Read: Imran Khan’s real political test approaches: Where the election stands and where it might be headed

Over the years, the internal security environment has deteriorated and emerged as one of the national security challenges. Homegrown terrorism and fissiparous tendencies are major challenges. Jalalzai (2015:178) has argued in one of his books that Pakistan Army and the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) had substantive experience in aiding, abetting and fueling insurgencies and terrorism in Afghanistan and Jammu and Kashmir. But on the other hand, the same army has been failed to fight these internal security challenges. Now, the same homegrown insurgency and terrorism are proving a pain in the arse of Pakistan’s military and civil leadership.

Of course, Pakistan and India had fought wars over the Kashmir issue, but considering India to be as a major security concern, perhaps seems as hyperbolized. The main argument is that the real threats and challenges, being faced by Pakistan is like homegrown militancy, fundamentalism, radicalization, poverty, unemployment, lack of basic necessities and infrastructure, faltering economy etc, instead of India. If military and economic strength of India, are being taken as major security threat/s, it is Pakistan problem, not of India. Regionally and globally, China has emerged as a major power, then why not China was taken as a majorsecurity threat on the basis of same argument/s. Therefore, it is perceptional problem of Pakistan.

Perhaps, Kashmir issue would remain a problematic issue. How Kashmir issue would remain in the political narratives of Pakistan politics, would become a deciding factor for the future direction of Indo-Pak relations. Although, several reports indicated that the rhetoric of Kashmir has been remained a “non-issue,” particularly in this election. It is also said that this time Kashmir issue did find very little mention in the manifestoes of the three major political parties. But at the same time, some of the statements of the major players of Pakistani politics, which proved the above-mentioned argument as wrong. On 8 April, Shahbaz Sharif (President of the PML-N) pledged to make Kashmir a “part of Pakistan”. On the other hand, he launched a trenchant attack on Indian PM Narendra Modi by saying, “seeing the barbarism and brutalities Modi is enforcing in Jammu and Kashmir, our blood boils.”

PM-in-waiting Imran, how he is going to place Kashmir issue in Pakistan’s political narratives, would decide the Indo-Pak relations. The Kashmir issue has not been figured prominently in the manifestoes of the major political parties. Soon after the declaration of the election result, PM-in-waiting Imran Khan in his half an hour televised speech has focused on Pakistan foreign policy, wherein, he indicated that how he is going to engage with the neighbouring countries including India. His speech has given an indication that China, Afghanistan, Iran, Saudi Arabia and the US would remain on the priority list to get engaged and India has figured at the last of the list. Under his stewardship, Pakistan would try to learn from China a developmental model and check/control of the corruption. Afghanistan’s instability given the war on terror and jihad considered as the major challenges and he wishes to see Afghanistan as a peaceful and stable country with open borders. With Iran, Saudi Arabia and the US, Pakistan would like to maintain a balanced relationship.

It was India, which found its place at the last in PM-in-waiting Imran’s speech. Rather than envisioning bilateral positive and constructive engagements, instead he held India responsible for the sorry state of affairs in Kashmir. He blamed the Indian media for projecting him as a Bollywood villain. Later on, he tried to balance his statement by saying that nobody in Pakistan knows India more than me. He has also emphasized the importance of good economic relations with India.

For PM-in-waiting Imran, Kashmir would remain as a core issue between the Indo-Pak relations. Although PM-in-waiting Khan in his nuanced message, hinted an olive branch with India it is unlikely to take place. As Siddiq Wahid (the Former Vice-Chancellor of  Islamic University of Science and Technology) suspected Khan to be “unpredictable” and it’s “hard to know what stance he is going to adopt on Kashmir.” Imran Khan alleged India for, “human rights violations” in Kashmir. However, he said, “We have to solve Kashmir issue by sitting across the table, If India’s leadership is willing then the both of us can solve this issue through dialogue.” On the other hand, the overture was reciprocated by a congratulatory message from PM Modi. PM Modi congratulated PM-in-waiting Imran on his party’s victory and conveyed,  “Pakistan and India will work to open a new chapter in bilateral ties.”However, many people and commentators have expressed suspicion about the solution of Kashmir issue.

In this backdrop, would there be any possibility of halcyon days ahead, which needs to be seen through the prism of some questions? Under the captaincy and stewardship of Imran, the first question is,  in which direction the Indo-Pak relations would move? Would Pakistan keep on considering India as one of its major security concerns? How Kashmiris would decode the PM-in-waiting Imran’s Kashmir policy. Thus, it is concluded that Kashmir would remain as a major hindrance between Indo-Pakistan relations. It would remain difficult for Imran Khan to come out of the established political and military establishments’ mindsets. Moreover, Kashmiris are not much hope for the resolution of the same by Imran Khan.

Now, the onus lies on Imran Khan for the regional peace and stability. No military overture is the solution of any conflict/s and dispute/s. Perhaps, diplomacy and dialogue may be engaged to find out the solution/s of bilateral/regional conflict/s and dispute/s like Kashmir. Imran Khan as a PM may propose or think to make Pakistan as a bridge-link between India and Afghanistan for tapping the unexploited markets of the three countries. Perhaps, it would help to sort out the real challenges at the individual/bilateral/regional level like poverty, unemployment, hunger deaths, faltering economy, lack of basic necessities and developmental infrastructures etc. Rather than blaming each other for terrorism or as a security threat, the real issues are to be taken care of. Only in this background, halcyon days can be anticipated ahead!!

 

Dr Bawa Singh has been teaching in the Department of South and Central Asian Studies, School of Global Relations, Central University of Punjab, Bathinda-India. He has been contributing articles in Modern Diplomacy, Diplomat, Eurasian Review, South Asian Monitor, Dialogue AIDIA and IPPR.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Kootneeti Team.

 

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